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Some Initial Thoughts on the Harvard Berkman Center Report

Link Hoewing posted in Policy PolicyBlog  on October 29, 2009, 04:33 PM EST

I read through Harvard’s Berkman Center report which was led by Yochai Benkler.  Okay, it was 232 pages so I “mostly read through it” to paraphrase a famous movie “The Princess Bride” (see it – there is a great scene where the hero is “only mostly dead”.)   I did read the substantive analysis at the beginning (over 100 pages) and skipped only some of the country reports.

 

Benkler and his team of investigators can be commended for the effort that went into what was no doubt a substantial undertaking. The report, however, seems to be very limited in its analysis despite the FCC’s original charge to “conduct an expert review of existing literature and studies about broadband deployment and usage throughout the world to inform the Commission’s development of a National Broadband Plan.” While the report does look at a range of metrics related to broadband – especially price, adoption and speeds – it really does seem most focused on policy issues related to broadband. To get right to the heart of what it says in summary, it suggests that foreign unbundling and separation regulatory policies are good and the American platform competition model is not.  That is a curious tack to take for a number of reasons.

 

First, I can find little in the way of substantial analysis regarding economic or financial issues relating to deployment and investment.  The report focuses on price, adoption levels and speeds and totally ignores in most ways the dynamics regarding the markets in the countries it reviews.  So, for example, while it extols France for encouraging competition through unbundling and having some of the fastest speeds available in Europe, France is behind other countries in Europe with regard to fiber deployment, and many of these countries have platform competition   Europe as a whole is in fact behind the U. S. in local fiber network deployment. 

 

Further, in criticizing the position of the incumbents against the FCC’s unbundling rules, it totally ignores the TELRIC pricing model (which resulted in prices that were so low they did not allow for a fair return on investment), the fact that unbundling was extreme in terms of how much of the network had to be unbundled (which is far different from the unbundling policies in most countries that do not require unbundling of every facet of the network), and did not even discuss the fact that unbundling policy was open ended (i.e., there was no “end game” to the policy and it very likely could have resulted in an ongoing subsidy to new entrants for years to come).  In other words, the study simply assumes unbundling is a good policy, is the right policy to encourage competition and it did not look at the impacts of the policy in terms of investment nor at how the policy was structured - for example, to encourage or discourage network investment.   As far as I know, no other country has gone anywhere near as far as the FCC did in requiring unbundling of numerous aspects of the network – from the switch to collocation to the lines.  This is a big difference and it is totally ignored from what I can see.


In fact, investment and build out are almost totally ignored in terms of any in depth assessment of these issues.  The report does extol the Korean and Japanese models in terms of promoting fiber deployment but does not focus attention, for example, on the fact that the U. S. is ahead of Europe in fiber deployment.   It criticizes the use of PON fiber technologies not because they are not good for consumers or don’t produce high capacity networks that benefit consumers but rather because they can’t be physically unbundled.   The report ignores whether PON technologies are a good approach from a financial and build out perspective and whether they make economic sense.


The report also provides almost no in depth analysis of the U. S. moves away from the extreme unbundling policies of the late 1990’s and suggests that the changes in unbundling began with the new Administration in 2001-2002.  It completely ignores the decision by the Kennard FCC not to impose common carrier regulation on cable broadband networks.  This was in fact one of the earliest of the regulatory policy changes that helped promote the investment and competition we have today.  It did not start in 2001.


To me, the bottom line with unbundling policy is that price, what is to be unbundled, and how to transition to network based competition are all very difficult problems.  Here I can find little analysis in the Harvard report.   The reason markets are so important in growth economies is that setting prices is far from an easy task.  Competitive markets do it well and in such a way that the prices send the right signals to companies spurring investment and innovation.  Regulators simply can’t replicate this process because it is a result of a complex feedback loop among companies, competitors, and consumers.   My daughters once asked me when I was selling my house a few years ago “Why can’t you set a higher price or any price you want?  Who controls prices?”  I said all of us do in a market and it works because I know the prices that prevail in a market and I can take my buying and investment decisions from the pricing signals.  But if I want, I can try to set a different price and if I am successful, that may set of some adjustments in the market.

 

Regulators really can only focus on a few issues in setting prices and the biggest one is cost.  But cost alone does not drive prices. 

 

Beyond these concerns, international comparisons do not address demand side problems. The whole section on International Comparisons is interesting, but not particularly helpful in creating a broader understanding. Since it is examining penetration (actual take up), it tends to mix the supply side and demand side arguments. Actually, the study ignores demand side issues pretty much entirely, creating the misimpression that this is all about supply. So for example, it notes the importance of price/income to adoption, and the fact that the U.S. has low rates for lower tier services, but then never explains why the U.S. is in the “middle of the pack.” If we have such low rates, we should have higher penetration. This would lead one to conclude that some other factors (Pew’s emphasis on relevancy, for example) are responsible for the relatively poor uptake numbers in the US.

 

The paper seems to assume throughout that we should apply the lessons of the past to the future, that we should recreate the copper policies in the fiber world. I think this suffers from two problems.  First, the report oversells the lessons of the past - for example, how much of Japan and South Korea’s success can be attributed to direct government financial support through subsidies or loans.  It appears quite a bit.  Second, the paper seems to admit it’s a lot, but the larger point gets glossed over in favor of “open access works.”

The premise of open access policies was largely based on monopoly providers or providers with market power stifling competition, driving up prices, and so on. We’ve managed to adopt policies and our markets have evolved so that we now have many competitors and new networks. It seems you that the problem has been solved - the premise of the original argument (monopoly provider/network) is gone.  But that is not the overall conclusion of the report.

It is also true that while there are general themes worth looking at globally, the reality is that the historical, legal conditions in the US are just different than in other countries. Even if AT&T was a monopoly for years, it’s long gone. Nor do we have the coupling between the government and companies that others had, when the government was the regulator and the monopoly provider.

 

I will review the comments submitted on the Benkler report with interest but that is my initial take of an extensive report.

 

 

 

Reader Comments
Just a couple of points on data: Berkman never explore the possibility that European penetration rates for wireless are overstated because of the prevalence of prepay and the tendency for some subscribers to own multiple SIMs. As a proportion of total connections, 3G in the US is now the same as in the UK, behind Italy and Spain, well ahead of France and Germany. Materially, close to every US adult has a mobile, and the proportion in the UK is probably only slightly higher. Second, the fact that they still give more weight to advertised speeds as opposed to actual speeds is mystifying given that their own graph shows massive discrepancies in some countries (e.g., France) between the two metrics. They also make reference to BT's investments in the UK, which are in the trial phase! They refer to innovation in Sweden, but when you look at fibre deployment there, it is mostly on a non-commercial basis, which has no reflection on the efficacy of unbundling or open access policies. My main point: their econometric analysis focuses only on penetration. But they never rigorously explore or formulate the trade-off between promoting competition and incentivising innovation. Access pricing-- TELRIC/TSLRIC-- is at the heart of this Gordian Knot. The fact is that when you take out the municipal and energy trust fibre and look at investments made by commercial telcos, ISPs and cablecos, Europe is significantly behind the US in fibre or next-generation deployment. This is a very significant point, and one that does feature in European regulatory debate, but it is not a point given much prominence in Berkman. Similarly the fact that the US is going to see significant LTE deployment well before most of Europe is not taken into account as best I could tell. Every wireless telco equipment vendor in the world is modifying its strategies to emphasise the US market. European regulators are struggling with access pricing and demarcation issues related to NGA as we speak. There is a lot of debate on issues such as active versus passive access, GPON versus some other type of "unbundling", etc. This has many resemblances to the quagmire that the US achieved in the late 1990s and early 2000s. In addition, by ignoring usage and focusing just on penetration, they miss one of the key drivers of economic value. The fact that US SMS and outgoing minutes per mobile user are so much higher than European levels must be meaningful from an economic perspective. In reality, the gap in MOU is overstated in the US' favour by the multiple SIM/inactive user issue, but not by as much as the penetration rates of 130 per 100 plus are significantly exaggerated in Europe. If you're going to measure penetration without adjusting for multiple SIMs, then you should also take into account that usage is so much lower for each of those connections. In other words, the growth in European mobile penetration is really overstated. Berkman don't apparently mention Ofcom's regulatory relief for BT in terms of giving commercial pricing freedom for NG access, which actually reflected Ofcom's acknowledgment of the difference between what regulation was appropriate for legacy copper and what was appropriate for NGA. Unbundling may have increased penetration, but it would not appear to have been a driver for migration to next-generation networks. Admittedly, I did a very quick read. But my initial impression is that there is a certain lack of depth in regulatory economics. The issue of trade-offs between competiton and innovation is a real one; there is a lot of literature on this issue. But Berkman don't engage with that literature at all.
Kalyan Dasgupta posted on 10/31/2009 9:34:26 PM
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